Intersections: Performing the Nation: Magazine Images = of Women and Girls in the Illustrations of Takabatake Kashō, = 1925=961937

From: Subject: =?Windows-1252?Q?Intersections:_Performing_the_Nation:_Magazine_Images_of?= =?Windows-1252?Q?_Women_and_Girls_in_the_Illustrations_of_Takabatake_Kash?= =?Windows-1252?Q?o=2C_1925=961937?= Date: Tue, 6 May 2008 15:13:06 +1000 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0000_01C8AF8B.AFF6A130" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3138 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0000_01C8AF8B.AFF6A130 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue16/hartley.htm Intersections: Performing the Nation: Magazine Images = of Women and Girls in the Illustrations of Takabatake Kashō, = 1925=961937

Figure 1. Takabatake Kashō illustration from = April 1928=20 Girls' Illustrated.[*]=20

Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the = Pacific=20
Issue 16, March 2008 =

Performing the Nation:

Magazine = Images of=20 Women and Girls in the Illustrations of Takabatake Kashō,=20 1925=961937^[1]=20

Barbara=20 Hartley

This = article=20 examines the complex ways in which popular visual culture can = operate=20 subtly and obliquely to encourage the citizens of the nation = state to=20 perform the gender norms stipulated by the authorities wielding = power in=20 that state while also eliciting a sense of freedom in the = viewing=20 subject. The materials examined are visual images of girls and = women=20 featured in magazine illustrations produced between 1925 and = 1937 by one=20 of pre-war Japan=92s most prominent and popular illustrators, = Takabatake=20 Kashō (1888=961966). Although Kashō was also a = prolific artist of=20 representations of men and boys, this discussion will concern = only his=20 feminine images and the powerful and seductive set of gender = norms this=20 material presented for many viewing women and girls. =
My interest here is in how Kashō's illustrations acted = as an oblique=20 non-didactic model for desirable behaviour (and attitudes) for = girls and=20 women in the nation state of pre-war Imperial Japan. Christine = M.E. Guth=20 has noted that at the time when Kashō was developing his = skills as an=20 illustrator in the second decade of the twentieth century there = was a=20 growing tendency in Japan to view art as 'an intimation of = transcendent=20 harmony and a key to the national spirit.'[2]=20 While Guth's discussion refers to the rarefied world of = 'artistic' or=20 creative non-commercial art, this tendency was also evident in = the world=20 of commercial art. Inoue Mariko, for example, points out in her=20 discussion on the emergence of the schoolgirl, jogakusei, = as a=20 subject of art in Japan, that Kashō himself, with his = widely circulated=20 and popular images, contributed strongly to the establishment of = the=20 schoolgirl as an identifiable artistic trope among more = high-brow=20 artists.[3]=20 Similarly, commercial artists like Kashō were as complicit = as their less=20 business-orientated colleagues in the construction of the = notions of=20 'transcendent harmony' and 'national spirit' referred to by Guth = above.=20 In fact, it was his very status as a popular commercial artist = that saw=20 Kashō's material become a benchmark of transcendent harmony = for the=20 women and girls of Japan, contributing implicitly and indirectly = to a=20 sense of national spirit among these women. His works can, in = fact, be=20 regarded as a gender template through which the actions and = behaviours=20 of many feminine subjects of Imperial Japan were deflected, = constituted=20 and refracted.
How did Kashō's material provide a performance model = for the women=20 and girls of Japan? This was achieved largely by the judicious=20 arrangement of selected markers and signs in his material which, = when=20 positioned against each other, pleasurably fulfilled viewer = expectations=20 while also ensuring the absence of material that could offend = official=20 sensibilities. In fact, the unstinting presentation of opulently = attired=20 women strongly supported the notions of consumption prevalent = when Kashō=20 was producing his texts. The coding of this opulence in a manner = that=20 created parameters for women's behaviour becomes evident when we = examine=20 selected constituent elements of Kashō's material. The = elements to be=20 examined here are 1) the presence of 'the gorgeous' in = Kashō's=20 illustrations; 2) the ability to embrace the West and dispel its = threat;=20 3) the creation of arcady in the city; 4) the presentation of = the=20 sporting girl and the naked girl as symbols of the ostensible = health and=20 hygiene of the nation state; and finally, 5) the presentation of = the=20 privileged homemaking girl. By considering how Kashō = constructs and=20 deploys these elements, we gain insights into the impact of his = material=20 on the reading subject. However, before analysing the artist's = visual=20 texts, it is useful to examine the background of Kashō = himself and also=20 of the social conditions of his text production.

Born in Ehime in 1888, Takabatake Kashō studied in = Kyoto prior to=20 moving permanently to Tokyo in 1908 where he began to illustrate = for=20 various prominent publishing houses.[4] = By=20 the 1920s the artist=20

was one of = Japan's=20 pre-eminent illustrators, producing material from 1923 for = mass=20 circulation magazines such as Shōjo kurabu = (Girls Club) and=20 Shōjo gahō (Girls' Illustrated). = Kashō's fame achieved new=20 heights in 1925 with the publication of illustrations = accompanying=20 Ikeda Kikan's serialised novel, Bazoku no uta (Song = of the=20 Bandit). Throughout the ensuing decade, Kashō = continued to produce=20 images for serialised novels and to contribute to popular=20 magazines, such as Fujo kai (Ladies' World) from = 1928 and=20 Shufu no tomo (The Housewives' Friend) from 1934. = In 1935,=20 at age 48, by which time his influence as an illustrator = was=20 beginning to decline, Kashō completed his tour de = force work,=20 entitled Utsuriyuku sugata (Changing Images), a six part = screen=20 painting, featuring women of the Meiji (1868=961912), = Taisho=20 (1912=961926) and Showa (1926=961989) Eras.[5]=20 While he remained active until his death in 1966, = Kashō's=20 popularity waned considerably after the end of the war. = There are=20 a number of museums and exhibitions throughout Japan = devoted to=20 his work, including, most notably, the Kashō = collection housed in=20 the Yayoi Museum in Tokyo's inner city Taito Ward.[6]=20 In addition to limiting material examined to images of = women and=20 girls, I will also confine the discussion to images = produced=20 between 1925 and 1937, dates that mark a number of = important=20 events in pre-war Japan.

Figure=20 2. April 1930 Girls' Illustrated, one of the = magazines=20 in which Kashō's illustrations regularly appeared. = Source: Yayoi = Bijutsukan=20 website, URL: http://www.yayoi-yumeji-museum.jp/, site = accessed 23=20 December 2007.

As the second last year of the Taisho Era (1912=961926), a = period=20 characterised politically by party based 'democracy,'[7]=20 1925 saw the introduction of universal suffrage for all males = over the=20 age of twenty-five. However, Richard Mitchell notes that 'Taisho = democracy was weak and authoritarian forces were steadily = working to=20 expand already powerful restraints on freedom of expression.'[8]=20 Thus, 1925 was also the year of the ratification of one of the = most=20 all-encompassing of the restraints to which Mitchell refers, the = Peace=20 Preservation Law.[9]=20 This legislation made it a crime even to think in a manner that = opposed=20 the Emperor or the highly porous notion of kokutai, the = national=20 body.[10]= =20 In contrast to the democratic impression created by the = proclamation of=20 universal male suffrage, the Peace Preservation Law considerably = heightened the degree of official surveillance of the subjects = of=20 Imperial Japan. In the twelve years between 1925 and 1937, this=20 surveillance incrementally increased, as is apparent by the = numbers of=20 artists and writers obliged to undergo tenkō, the = process of=20 publicly declaring the misguided nature of previous allegiance = to=20 radical causes.[11]= =20 By mid-1937, however, with the outbreak of total war with China = and the=20 rapid acceleration of Japan's expansionist aspirations, = government=20 intervention in commercial publishing activities became = increasingly=20 intrusive. Therefore material produced after this time is not = considered=20 here. Coincidentally, the period between 1925 and 1937 also = includes the=20 highpoint of Kashō's career as an illustrator. =
In the pre-war years, Kashō produced some of Japan's = most pervasive=20 cultural imagery. His corpus includes images of girls and mature = women,=20 images of boys (he is often cited for his so-called 'beautiful = boys,' or=20 bishōnen, illustrations) and mature men, images of = traditional=20 settings, images of modern settings (the artist had a particular = penchant for Pre-Raphaelite, Ballet Russe and Art Deco inspired=20 material), images of single figures, images of groups, = putatively=20 asexual and modest images of women and men, and girls and boys, = and also=20 of sexually provocative images, once again of both men and = women, and=20 boys and girls. There is many a voluptuously reclining = bare-breasted=20 mermaid or sexually nubile youth gracing the frame of a = Kashō=20 illustration. Research by scholars such as Mark McLelland[12]= =20 and Sabine Fr=FChst=FCck[13]= =20 highlights an intense fascination with sexuality in the era = between the=20 two wars, especially 'non-normative' sexuality. This interest = was=20 exemplified in the term ero-guro-nansensu, a popular = expression=20 of the era derived from the English words erotic, grotesque and=20 nonsense.[14]= =20 This article, however, excludes Kashō's more sexually = explicit material=20 to focus on the normative representations of girls and women = with the=20 appearance of economic privilege that featured in the mainstream = magazine press. The issue of economic privilege is important = since it=20 contributes to the occlusion of the existence of poverty and = class in=20 Japanese society, an occlusion particularly significant to the=20 performance of gender. Once Japan's late 1930s expansionist push = resulted in war, subjects were urged to 'suppress desire until=20 victory.'[15]= =20 However, during much of the period considered here, consumption = by women=20 was seen as a national duty, a confirmation of the success of = the=20 Japanese economy in the post Great War years. As a distraction = from the=20 ideal of robust but rational commodity consumption promoted by = official=20 Japan, poverty was certainly not to be featured in the popular = press=20 where it could create the impression that the munificence and = largesse=20 of the nation state may not have been as bountiful as the = authorities=20 suggested.[16]= =20
Although Kashō's illustrations covered a range of = genres, the focus=20 in this article will be on representations of women and girls = featured=20 in magazine front-piece illustrations, magazine advertisements, = or=20 illustrations for magazine articles. Material of this kind was = produced=20 under the auspices of mainstream publishing houses which, in = pre-war=20 Japan, operated in a space of tension created by the demands of = both the=20 state and the readership. While not in open conflict, neither = did these=20 demands necessarily always coincide. A number of scholars have=20 demonstrated the extent of Japan's pre-war censorship regime.[17]= =20 Although radical publications often actively sought conflict = with the=20 state, collision with the censors was politically unpalatable = for the=20 conservative publishers of mainstream magazines. Moreover, = incurring the=20 wrath of the censors could also have financial consequences. In = other=20 words, regardless of political learning, the prospect of the = monetary=20 loss involved in having material withdrawn from the market was = always a=20 factor in choosing the content of a commercial publication.[18]= =20 This made it necessary for material printed at least to appear = to=20 acquiesce with officialdom.
However, the financial success of the popular press was also = strongly dependent on the approval of what was an extremely = wide-ranging=20 readership.[19]= =20 Magazines, especially, were reading material for the new = leisured=20 classes. Members of this privileged social group had little = desire to=20 read or view print or visual text that passively confirmed the = often=20 dogmatic desires of the state. Rather than advice on how to = comply with=20 official doctrine, readers looked to 'quality' popular = magazines, such=20 as those which featured Kashō's illustrations, for = direction on how to=20 achieve style and panache. The publisher's dilemma, therefore, = was how=20 to meet two demands that largely operated in opposition to each = other.=20 The ideal scenario, of course, was to be able to present = material that=20 amalgamated these two apparently contradictory elements. This = was a feat=20 that Takabatake Kashō brilliantly achieved through a = complex mix of=20 artistic flair and commercial acumen.
Kashō's material provided a highly pleasurable form of = instruction=20 in codes of ideal femininity acceptable to the authorities. It = was also=20 embraced by viewing readers. However, this does not imply a=20 deterministic relationship of equivalence between the policies = of the=20 state and images that circulated through popular culture = outlets. On the=20 contrary, as Miriam Silverberg has convincingly argued, certain = elements=20 of popular culture have the potential to contest state-sponsored = social=20 ideals. Silverberg observes that Japanese pre-war culture was=20 characterised by:
A similar observation is made by Guth = regarding popular=20 culture and avant-garde movements. These groups, she notes, used = the=20 mass media in ways that 'threatened government efforts to = maintain=20 hierarchical and gendered forms of national culture.' Guth = further=20 argues that activities of this kind generated a backlash from = the=20 authorities, so that:
Both Silverberg and Guth are correct in pointing out the = capacity of=20 popular art to contest and resist official discourses. However, = the=20 situation is less of a binary than either of the above = statements=20 suggests. That is, rather than cultural production being = conducted=20 either for the state or, if not, then of necessity against the = state, I=20 am arguing that art can sometimes simultaneously confirm and = contest the=20 social and political context of its production. Kashō was = an artist=20 whose images presented viewers with a fantasy space in which = they could=20 imagine themselves resisting the state while at the same time = being=20 encouraged or even schooled to acquiesce with official desires. = As=20 demonstrated by Guth's reference above to the good wife and wise = mother,=20 the sole normative role for women in pre-war Japan, state = sponsored=20 ideals relating to femininity were particularly demanding in = this=20 context.[22]= =20
The circulation and consumption of images that allowed for = some=20 resistance to the increasing dominance of the authorities in = late 1920s=20 and early 1930s Japan, instilled a sense of modern individuality = and=20 freedom in the viewing subject. By liberating the subject from a = sense=20 of imposition, such material paradoxically primed viewers for = ultimate=20 compliance. Kashō's images of women and girls created an = imaginary realm=20 in which resistance to state norms was permitted, but in a = manner that=20 also encouraged overall acquiescence. Although this hybrid = production is=20 to some extent the very role of a fashion publication, few = illustrators=20 achieved it as successfully as Kashō. This is not to say = that the artist=20 consciously set out to achieve such an end, or that the state = identified=20 his material as playing such a role. Nevertheless, a distinctive = artistic flair saw Kashō draw on the discourses circulating = in the=20 society around him and then, in turn, re-code this material in a = way=20 that obliquely and pleasurably instructed viewing women and = girls how to=20 perform the normative gender roles sought by the state. In = fulfilling=20 these requirements, women and girls were also able to express = wilfully=20 their own desires, a remarkable achievement in a nation state = which=20 increasingly sought to deny this possibility for all subjects, = both=20 women and men.
The introduction of universal male suffrage and the = ratification of=20 the Peace Preservation Law were important political events in = 1925=20 Japan. However, it is unlikely that either made as direct an = impact upon=20 the daily life of the average subject of Imperial Japan as the = emergence=20 of the notion of bunka seikatsu, cultural lifestyle,
[23]= =20 a movement that sought the modernisation of daily life through = the=20 introduction of commodities from the West. Although both the = goods and=20 the changes they announced were often met with practical and = ideological=20 concern, conservative social institutions were caught up in the=20 ubiquitous nature of the movement in the same way as more = socially=20 innovative groups. Sheldon Garon, for example, notes that, while = castigating extravagance, the government sponsored travelling=20 exhibitions featuring washing machines and other appliances that = would=20 improve hygiene in the home and lead to more efficient and = effective=20 domestic practices.
[24]= =20 Thus the mid-1920s in Japan became a time of emphasis on = materiality and=20 'a culture of objects and their circulation.'[25]= =20 Japan had struggled with the notion of modernity since the time = of the=20 Meiji Restoration, alternately embracing Western ideas with = obsessive=20 fervour and demonising the West as a source of corruption of = traditional=20 values. However, by the 1920s both Western ideas and Western = commodities=20 had become an integral part of the Japanese landscape, produced = and=20 reproduced domestically and thus no longer seen as unfamiliar = imports to=20 be either admired or despised. As Smith notes in his discussion = of the=20 idea of Tokyo as a city:

Whereas=20 earlier 'civilisation' was viewed as alien and curiously out = of place,=20 the new customs and technologies of the 1920s were perceived = as=20 emerging naturally from Japan's growing industrial economy. = The city=20 was no longer a 'showcase' for novelties from abroad, but = rather a=20 powerhouse of innovation.[26]= =20
Kashō's aesthetic sensibilities might have eschewed the = literal=20 presence of washing machines in his illustrations. However, = there are=20 clear markers that the women and girls featured in his = illustrations=20 have access both to 'the new customs and technologies' of = Japan's=20 'growing industrial economy' and the leisurely, well-balanced = lifestyles=20 ostensibly created by the acquisition of these goods. Women's = magazines,=20 the source of the images discussed here, were significant in = this sense=20 since they not only reflected the presence of these material = items in=20 1920s society, but were also ardent proselytisers for the cause = of=20 modernity and the new cultural lifestyle.
It is impossible to discuss gender in 1920s Japan without = reference=20 to 'that icon of consumption and mobility,'[27]= =20 the modern girl, modan gaaru, abbreviated to moga, = one of=20 Japan's most ubiquitous symbols of modernity.[28]= =20 Silverberg is one of a number of commentators pointing to the = key role=20 of girls and women in the new commodity culture which enveloped = Japan in=20 the 1920s.[29]= =20 With her capacity to earn funds, limited though her income may = have=20 been, and, moreover, to engage in independent sexual activity, = the=20 modern girl presented a strong threat to 'settled forms of = patriarchally=20 dominated order and reproduction.'[30]= =20 Ostracised by the state and its functionaries, whose voyeuristic = tendencies she nonetheless serviced, the 'antics' of the modern = girl are=20 exemplified in the provocative and intractable behaviour of = Naomi, loved=20 by the eponymous fool of Tanizaki Jun'ichirō's novel, = Chijin no=20 ai (1924=9625, literal translation Fool's Love; trans. 1985 = as=20 Naomi).[31]= =20 We have noted that since mid-Meiji the sole normative model for = women=20 was ryōsai kenbo, the good wife and wise mother, = discursively=20 constructed as a woman who suppressed her own desires to meet = the needs=20 of her husband and sons. The modern girl, however, was having = none of=20 this. Popular representation featured her smoking, drinking, = engaging in=20 'loose' sexual behaviour and generally destabilising the = 'transcendent=20 harmony' of the nation by a narcissistic devotion to Western=20 commodities.
Discussing the caf=E9 waitress as representative of this new = young=20 woman, Elise Tipton notes that:
Kashō's works unflinchingly accepted the = challenge to=20 propriety presented by the modern girl. By skilfully = appropriating her=20 consumerist image into his material, he successfully colonised = and=20 domesticated her threat of social disorder. Some features he = retained,=20 such as the short perm and Westernised attire. However, by = modifying or=20 disguising and thereby appearing to discard the more 'depraved'=20 elements, he gave new and reassuring meaning to girls with = modern=20 tendencies, ultimately transforming them into compliant, = gracious=20 harbingers of social accord. Chaste introspection replaced = promiscuity,=20 while cigarettes and cocktails became books and flowers. Where = the=20 modern girl took to the streets as resistance against the = stifling=20 confines of domesticity, Kashō's girls refrain from = displaying=20 themselves in urban public space. His women are decidedly = modern;=20 nonetheless, they appear, at least, to forego any attributes = that might=20 compromise the role of good wife and wise mother. Similarly, the = parameters of this official norm are discreetly and cunningly = expanded=20 permitting the women in Kashō's images, like their = street-wise modern=20 girl counterparts, to express themselves freely as consuming = subjects.=20 To understand precisely how this effect was achieved it will be = useful=20 to examine issues such as the 'gorgeous' impact of Kashō's = work, his=20 ability to dispel the threat of the West, his presentation of = arcadian=20 motifs in an urban setting, his suggestions of national health = and=20 hygiene through representations of sporting girls and the = unclothed=20 body, and his conflation of homemaking with grace and privilege. =

Gorgeous Kashō and the promise of = modernity=20
Kashō's illustrations are a riot of voluptuously = coordinated primary=20 colours evoking a celebration of the life-force. An almost = intoxicating=20 sense of the 'gorgeous' is created by extravagant patterns based = on=20 motifs such as striking florals and art deco designs. In = addition to=20 being a deliberate marketing strategy, this gorgeousness can be = read as=20 an expression of what Harry Harootunian describes as Japanese = enthusiasm=20 for 'the promise offered by the new everydayness.'[33]= =20 Harootunian argues that, in contrast to the generally more = cynical=20 attitude in the West, Japan was 'willing to explore the = possibility of=20 newness for a life vastly different from the one most recently = lived in=20 the immediate past.'[34]= =20 While questions might be raised by the dichotomy implied here, = there is=20 no doubt that Kashō's vibrant colour is an expression of = optimism for=20 modern life itself. Although the slight pathos of the = melancholic=20 expression on the faces of both his women and men, and girls and = boys,=20 prevents the images being labelled joyous, the clarity of colour = and=20 firm lines immediately capture the attention of the reader in a = highly=20 pleasurable way.

As a child, Kashō attended kabuki performances with his = mother, who=20 encouraged his artistic aspirations in defiance of her husband. = The=20 principles of costuming and colour=20

Figure=20 3. One of Kashō's gorgeously attired, cloistered = girls from a=20 late 1920s Land of the Girl.[35]= =20 Source: Bessatsu Taiyō, Takabatake Kashō: = bishōnen, bishōjo=20 gen'ei, Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1985, p. 15.

coordination of the=20 traditional theatre would ultimately be integrated with = modern=20 tropes such as art deco motifs to give Kashō's = artistry a highly=20 creative and distinctive flair. It is ironic that while = the=20 beautifully coordinated and coloured clothing featured in = Kashō's=20 work invokes a notion of access to material goods = associated with=20 the street-loving modern girl, Kashō's girls are more = likely to be=20 hakoiri musume, girls in a box, an expression which = gives=20 the sense of being wrapped in cotton wool. However, = through a=20 complex amalgam of signs and markers these cloistered = girls, too,=20 often appear to be gravitating towards the daring centre = of the=20 modern. Ultimately this confirmation of modernity in = Kashō is not=20 just a confirmation of the West, but a bold confirmation = of the=20 nation and its imperial aspirations. The gorgeousness of = his=20 illustrations proclaims the success of the national = project.=20 Viewing women are thus reminded of their duty to support = this=20 project by the diligent consumption of the commodities = necessary=20 to perform their gender in a manner befitting the = daughters, wives=20 and mothers of the modern nation state, Dai Nippon, Great = Japan.=20

Embracing the = West and=20 dispelling its threat

The integration of Japan and the West was one of the = greatest=20 achievements of Kashō's gorgeous illustrations, = paradoxically derived in=20 part from his early kabuki experiences. Kashō's magazine = material often=20 gives a strong impression of Westernisation, while also = conveying images=20 of girls and women in traditional guise and in surrounds which = feature=20 long standing tropes from Japanese art. Silverberg has noted how = the=20 introduction of modern life was initially seen as an imposition = of=20 Western standards and the erasure of traditional Japanese = ideals.=20 Against this, she argues convincingly for the need to understand = that,=20 rather than the replacement of one with the other, the 1920s=20 'construction of a mass culture' gave new meaning to all its = constituent=20 elements.[36]= =20 This process involved not the replacement of but the 'recod[ing] = of=20 Western institutions and practices for indigenous Japanese=20 consumption.'[37]= =20 This re-coding and assimilation is clearly operating in = Kashō's=20 material. Furthermore, by presenting his Western images in = contexts=20 unambiguously marked as Japanese, Kashō is able to defuse = any sense of=20 threat associated with the West. His material thereby = appropriates and=20 re-locates Western standards in Japanese settings, thus also=20 transforming the conventional meanings attributed to the = latter.[38]= =20
With regard to clothing, women were less swift to westernise = than=20 men. Both Silverberg[39]= =20 and Matsumoto Shinako[40]= =20 refer to a 1925 survey of clothing worn by passers-by on the = streets of=20 the Ginza conducted by social ethnologist, Kon Wajirō. = Matsumoto refers=20 to a follow up survey carried out in 1930. On the first = occasion, 66=20 percent of men wore Western dress while only one percent of = women had=20 discarded traditional attire. However, the latter figure had = climbed=20 steeply to 35 percent at the time of the second survey.[41]= =20 Kashō's illustrations, too, show a preponderance of women = in Japanese=20 style dress, although there is also no shortage of figures in = Western=20 apparel, often unthreateningly presented in tandem with a girl = in=20 traditional Japanese attire. In terms of cultivating national=20 consciousness, it was insignificant whether or not Kashō's = women or the=20 women who viewed these images did or did not discard their = kimono. To=20 the extent that the artist's sensibilities foregrounded dress = and=20 clothing of whatever ethnic origin, the illustrations resonated = with=20 Japan's aspirations as an international power. The outfits worn = by the=20 women featured in Kashō's illustrations were made from a = range of=20 fabrics including wool, silk and cotton. Whether a Western-style = frock=20 or a Japanese kimono, the fabrics were, in many respects, = markers of=20 Japan's success as an international economic power. Janet Hunter = has=20 demonstrated how the textile industry generally was critical to = Japan's=20 emergence as a modern industrialised state.[42]= =20 By 1931 the three largest cotton-spinning firms in the world = were all=20 Japanese.[43]= =20 The focus in Kashō's material on the clothing and fabrics = worn by girls=20 and women indirectly evoked Japan's international standing in = the=20 industrial world in the same way that images of heavy machinery = and=20 building projects did in more masculinist publications. By = accompanying=20 the apparel featured with the accessories of the West, = Kashō subtly=20 affirmed both the pleasurably modern and Imperial Japan's = industrialist=20 and expansionist desires.

Furthermore, the fact that the traditional Japanese dress = depicted=20 by this artist was far from conventionally traditional opened up = spaces=20 for even conservative women and girls to express their modern = girl=20 sensibilities nurtured by the advertising industry without = generating=20 the social and moral panic associated with their street wise = sister.=20 This option resided in Kashō's ability to successfully = commodify=20 traditional Japanese attire, while at the same time drawing the = West=20 into the sphere of local influence. Two images successfully = demonstrate=20 this trend. The first is an undated late 1920s=20

magazine=20 illustration. Initial impressions suggest traditional = Japan. The=20 figure carries a ribbed bamboo parasol and wears an outfit = with=20 kimono-style front opening tied by what appears to be a=20 traditional obi, the waist band used to tie a = kimono.=20 However, upon scrutiny, the image reveals multiple = indicators of=20 the West. These include a flower in the hair of the = figure,=20 shortened hem, visible Western style under-chemise, short = string=20 of pearls, and the ruched opening of the modified = furisode,=20 long sleeves worn only by young unmarried women. It is a = tribute=20 to Kashō's hybrid sensibilities that this sleeve = opening design=20 also suggests the cording sometimes featured on the wide = sleeve=20 openings of formal samurai attire. This is an outfit for = the woman=20 or girl seeking to acknowledge her Japanese sensibilities = while=20 expressing herself as an independent modern subject. It = was also=20 an outfit that created international alliances with her=20 Japonoiserie-inspired sisters in the West, suggesting a = circular=20 flow of cultural influences out of Japan through the West = and back=20 to Japan in modified form in the inter-war years. =

Figure=20 4. Fashioning Japan and the West, undated late 1920s=20 illustration for a magazine. Source: Matsumoto Shinako,=20 Takabatake Kashō: Taishō, Shōwa retro = byūtii, Tokyo: Kawade=20 shōbo, 2004, p. 61. =

A similar image is featured on the cover of the May 1927 = edition of=20 Women's World. Here, the kimono clad figure of the woman=20 initially signs the image as traditional. Closer viewing, = however, notes=20 a cluster of other markers, each one perhaps insignificant in = itself,=20 but which, when considered collectively, counterbalance the = impact of=20 the Japanese style apparel. Thus, rather than the=20

formal = seating style=20 required of Japanese women, the cover figure sits casually = leaning=20 on one arm with her legs drawn up to the side. Tellingly, = her hair=20 is bobbed and permed. Although objection to this style = initially=20 remained at the level of muffled protest from conservative = sectors=20 of society, Tessa Morris Suzuki notes that perms were = cited in=20 1939 by a subcommittee of the National Diet which decreed = this=20 style 'strictly prohibited.'[44]= =20 The fabric pattern of the woman's kimono, too, is a bold=20 collection of tan and white circles well outside the = purview of=20 traditional kimono patterns. Matsumoto, in fact, cites = Kashō as a=20 kimono pattern trend-setter. She also notes that legend = has it=20 that the artist never repeated the same kimono pattern = twice in=20 his corpus.[45]= =20

Figure 5. Kimono for these modern times = from May=20 1927 Women's World. Source: Matsumoto = Shinako,=20 Takabatake Kashō: Taishō, Shōwa retro = byūtii, Tokyo: Kawade=20 shōbo, 2004, p. 68.

Clothing was not the only marker of the West incorporated = into=20 Kashō's work. Many images are situated in a Western = architectural=20 setting. The artist's depiction of a trio of girls for an insert = to the=20 September 1931 edition of Girls' Illustrated places the = three=20 figures in the corner of a Western style verandah. A girl in = Western=20 style dress sits on an art deco style curved armless chair in = the=20 foreground, strumming a mandolin. Behind her stand two figures = holding=20 hands and leaning against the verandah balustrade. One is = dressed in=20 traditional kimono, rather than Kashō's more innovatively = patterned=20 attire discussed above. The other wears a sailor suit style = blouse and=20 skirt.=20

Figure=20 6. Strumming Japan and the West in September 1931 = Girls'=20 Illustrated. Source: Matsumoto Shinako, Takabatake = Kashō:=20 Taishō, Shōwa retro byūtii, Tokyo: = Kawade shōbo, 2004, p. 45.=20

The initial impression given by the two figures in modern = dress and=20 the structure of the verandah, which could be the porch in an = early=20 1930s Hollywood narrative of domestic middle America, is of the = West.=20 However, this is undercut by the girl in the conventional = kimono. In=20 addition, the figures are set against an autumnal landscape = background=20 which, with its full moon and swaying susuki, pampas = grass, might=20 be the setting of a pre-modern work of art. Both the attire and = the=20 architecture operate to confirm a modernising presence and thus = to=20 diminish a sense of compliance with official discourses. The = presence of=20 the strong Japanese elements, however, ensures that this = discourse is=20 not inappropriately undermined or destabilised.

Many of the artist's illustrations feature pairs of girls = (see=20 Figure 7), one in Western dress, the other in Japanese attire. = However,=20 Kashō has a skill for subtly foregrounding the Japanese = elements in this=20 genre of illustration. Thus, rather than suggesting a productive = coupling of Japan and the West, the material ultimately = announces a=20 subsuming of the West into Japan and local dominance over the = foreign. A=20 political rhetoric of European decadence and depravity may have = assisted=20 the development of a strong sense of Japanese identity against = the West=20 that, since Japan's entry to the modern era, had consistently = refused to=20 recognise the newly-emerged East Asian nation as equal to the=20 Anglo/European powers.[46]= =20 However, withdrawal or rejection of Western mores, by now = organically=20 embedded into Japanese society, was untenable. In this respect, = Kashō's=20 illustrations gave oblique guidance as to how Western ideals = might be=20 incorporated appropriately into Japan, while confirming the = ascendancy=20 of the local over the imported.=20

Figure=20 7. Incorporating the West into Japan in late 1920s = Girls'=20 Illustrated. Source: Source Bessatsu Taiyō, = Takabatake=20 Kashō: bishōnen, bishōjo gen'ei, Tokyo: = Heibonsha, 1985, p.=20 46.

Figure=20 8. The tiny mouth of a Kashō beauty from the = cover of an=20 edition of The Land of the Girl. Source: Bessatsu = Taiyō,=20 Takabatake Kashō: bishōnen, bishōjo = gen'ei, Tokyo:=20 Heibonsha, 1985, p. 37. =

Even the features of Kashō's girls herald the triumph = of Japanese=20 standards over the West. Unlike the large, round-eyed girls = created by=20 Nakahara Jun'ichi (1913=961988),[47]= =20 one of the artists who succeeded Kashō as an iconic = illustrator, Kashō's=20 girls have Japanese eyes. They do, however, like Nakahara's = girls, have=20 small mouths (Figures 7 and 8). Honda Masuko has noted how, in = the case=20 of Nakahara, these small mouths signal that the girls thus = depicted=20 neither speak nor eat.[48]= =20 Unlike Nakahara's grotesquely slender girls, Kashō's = rounded women and=20 girls definitely enjoy their food. Their tiny mouths, however, = almost=20 certainly signal silence, with the occasional exception of the = girls who=20 sing or whisper secrets to each other. Of course, small mouths = were not=20 unique to the feminine ideals of Japan. The tiny mouth opening = of silent=20 movie star and 'It Girl,' Clara Bow, demonstrates the global = preference=20 for features of this kind. However, consideration of the = thoughts of=20 right wing ideologue, Kita Ikki (1883=961937), provides insights = into more=20 nationalistic implications of the small mouth. In an argument = rejecting=20 calls for women's suffrage, Kita noted that women should refrain = from=20 public debate since 'to make women accustomed to verbal warfare = is to do=20 violence to their natural aptitude.'[49]= =20 This restraint, which he saw as inherent in the Japanese model = of good=20 wife and wise mother, was contrasted against what he judged the=20 'piercing quarrels' of woman from China and the 'stupid = talkativeness'=20 of the American woman.[50]= =20 Kashō's acquiescent girls well encapsulate what the = ultra-rightist Kita=20 believed to be the feminine ideal in Japan.

The groups of girls and women in Kashō's images, not = all of whom=20 contrast the East and the West, played another important role in = supporting official discourses of social cohesion. Harootunian = notes the=20 massive dislocation that occurred when girls migrating to the = cities=20 could find work only=20

Figure=20 9. The harmonious community of Kashō's women and = girls from=20 the cover of an edition of Girls' Illustrated. = Source:=20 Bessatsu Taiyō, Takabatake Kashō: = bishōnen, bishōjo gen'ei,=20 Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1985, p. 9.

in = prostitution.[51]= =20 This city migration led to the breakdown of the extended = family,=20 the rise of the nuclear family and the fragmentation of = social=20 relationships. Thus, in spite of the promise of new = horizons and=20 the mythological opportunities associated with = modernisation, this=20 trend also led to social disintegration, alienation and = isolation.=20 Kashō's groups of girls conceal this threat, = presenting instead=20 the model of a harmonious feminine community. For some, = the new=20 mass culture and the patterns of consumption that = accompanied it=20 threatened to 'unhinge older, fixed social relationships = and=20 subjectivities.'[52]= =20 Barbara Sato, too, has noted the 'social tensions' = resulting from=20 the 'alteration of a woman's physical appearance.'[53]= =20 Kashō's group images, however, aestheticised the new = social=20 context and thus 'negat[ed] the divisions, fragmentation, = and=20 conflict'[54]= =20 which reverberated beneath the 'cultural lifestyle' = grounded in=20 devotion to the commodity. Rather than conflict or = division,=20 Kashō's material suggests the essence of Japan as the = intersection=20 of the space of social relationships (aidagara) = among the=20 devoted subjects of Imperial Japan and the space of the = natural=20 environment.[55]= =20

Arcady in the = city=20

Whether in Japanese or Western apparel, solitary or in = groups,=20 Kashō's women and girls are clearly educated cosmopolitan = girls with the=20 grace and deportment that comes from urban privilege. Their = cultured=20 expressions and gestures, calm and slightly dolorous visages, = fingers=20 cocked as demurely as those of a girl in a Gainsborough image, = belong to=20 the newly educated jogakusei, the girl school=20

student, = and her=20 older sisters, mothers and aunts from the better suburbs = of the=20 capital. While Kawabata Yasunari's Asakusa kurenaidan=20 (1929=961930; trans. 2005 The Scarlet Gang of = Asakusa)[56]= =20 was proclaiming the old lower town area of Asakusa, with = its=20 carnival atmosphere, professional flāneurs and = androgynous=20 women, as the centre of Japanese modernity, Kashō was = re-locating=20 this centre firmly in the heart of the financially endowed = sector=20 of the city. The quality clothing which adorns his = feminine=20 figures makes them suitable advertisements for the = department=20 stores which were the flagships of 1920s and 1930s Japan's = high=20 consumer culture. By the 1920s, department stores had = sectors=20 catering to a less than privileged clientele. However, the = clothing, hairstyles and accessories of Kashō's women = are markers=20 of the money and social position which qualified consumers = to shop=20 in the most expensive sections of these stores. It was = irrelevant=20 that few magazine readers could afford to emulate the = opulent=20 commodities featured in a Kashō illustration. His = material was=20 embraced as both an aspirational benchmark and a fantasy = to ease=20 the harsh experience of the real everyday life. =

Figure=20 10. A demurely cultured Kashō girl from the cover = of an=20 edition of The Land of the Girl. Source: Bessatsu = Taiyō,=20 Takabatake Kashō: bishōnen, bishōjo = gen'ei, Tokyo:=20 Heibonsha, 1985, p. 25.

In order to access the commodities with which they are = adorned,=20 Kashō's women and girls must have ventured onto the streets = leading to=20 the department stores. However, his figures are rarely depicted = on the=20 street and, with the exception of the commodities themselves, = the street=20 is a notable absence in the magazine material being examined. = Almost all=20 Kashō's girls and women featured on magazine front pieces = and in other=20 magazines illustrations are framed by arcadian borders. = Pendulous=20 blossoms of flowering wisteria, wreaths of fragrantly voluptuous = lilies,=20 lightly scattering ginko and momiji maple leaves,=20 black-eyed scarlet poppies, and even the seven grasses of the = Japanese=20 autumn, all often accompanied by an encircling butterfly: these = are the=20 symbols that surround women and girls in many Kashō = illustrations. The=20 flower is an image of femininity in places other than Japan. = However,=20 its pervasive presence there is evident from the fact that one = of the=20 most popular pre-war=20

Figure=20 11. Kashō's girls and their pastoral surrounds = from a series=20 of covers of Girls' Illustrated. Source Bessatsu = Taiyō,=20 Takabatake Kashō: bishōnen, bishōjo = gen'ei, Tokyo:=20 Heibonsha, 1985, p. 10.

narratives = for girls=20 was a collection of short stories by Yoshiya Nobuko = (1896=961973)=20 known as Hana monogatari, or Flower Stories = (1916=961924).[57]= =20 The wild popularity of these texts, in which girls gather = to=20 exchange and sigh together over melancholic stories of = other=20 girls, made Yoshiya one of the richest independent women = in Japan.=20 It is uncertain whether or not Kashō is invoking this = material=20 intentionally, although he did illustrate some of = Yoshiya's=20 narratives. Nevertheless, the floral presence in his = illustrations=20 would certainly have evoked Yoshiya's stories in viewers. = The caf=E9=20 girl may have felt at home rubbing shoulders with the = reprobates,=20 idlers and other denizens of the streets, the place where=20 consumption exchange and display took place. However, = significant=20 numbers of girls rejected this possibility, preferring = instead to=20 locate commodity consumption in the insulated fantasy = bower of the=20 flower story world created by both Yoshiya and Kashō. =

The arcadian setting of Kashō's illustrations is not = limited to=20 flower borders. His texts often feature more distant landscape=20 backgrounds of rural settings with shrubbery, trees, and the = occasional=20 mountain range. These images recall the ideas of Yanagita Kunio, = who at=20 the time Kashō was illustrating, was developing a theory = which stated=20 that the essence of Japan resided in the rural and provincial = areas of=20 the archipelago.[58]= =20 Yanagita contrasted the countryside as a site of warmth and=20 companionship against the anti-social and ultimately inhuman = setting of=20 the city. By locating the girls and women draped in the opulent=20 commodities of the department story in a rural setting, = Kashō manages to=20 signal approval of the consumer culture situated in the urban = centres of=20 Japan while also reifying the essential ideals seen to reside = outside=20 these centres. However, in spite of being located in floral = bowers or=20 grassy knolls rather than the streets of the Ginza or = Marunouchi, the=20 gorgeous attire of the girls and women featured in Kashō's = illustrations=20 signals that the city is never far away.

The = sporting=20 girl and naked girl: peons to the nation's health[59]= =20

The sporting girl is a strong trope in Kashō's material = and is often=20 regarded as an indication that, unlike his contemporary, = Takehisa Yumeji=20 (1884=961934), this artist was happy to free his women from the = gender=20 constraints operating at the time. It is true that where = Takehisa's=20 women appear dolorously passive, women in Kashō swim and = recline at the=20 beach in bathers, strap on skis, frolic with dogs, play = traditional=20 badminton, hanetsuki, and engage in a range of other = boisterous=20 activities. There is general agreement amongst feminist = educators and=20 scholars that the involvement of women in sport=20

is a factor = in=20 securing independence for women and girls.[60]= =20 However, comments made in 1931 by Japan's first Olympic = medallist,=20 Hitomi Kinue (1907=961931), regarding physical activity as = a means=20 of building the body of the mothers of Japan make it clear = that=20 sport for women at this time was about improving the = health of the=20 women giving birth to the men of the nation.[61]= =20 While, in contradiction to the intentions of the = authorities,=20 participation in sports undoubtedly contributed to women's = independence, it is unlikely that this was the objective = Kashō had=20 in mind for his physically active girls. In fact, rather = than=20 contesting norms, these girls are, in fact, obliquely = complying=20 with the standard interpretation of young women as = potential wives=20 and especially mothers. There is also a more jingoistic = suggestion=20 operating in Kashō's sporting representations. = Hitomi's discussion=20 focuses very strongly on how the performance of Japanese=20 sportswomen in international competition profiled Japan = against=20 other nations on the world stage.[62]= =20 The notion of Japanese women having the ability to triumph = over=20 the women of the world reverberates obliquely beneath = these=20 sporting girls.

Figure=20 12. A sporting Kashō girl from a cover of = Girls'=20 Illustrated. Source: Bessatsu Taiyō, = Takabatake Kashō:=20 bishōnen, bishōjo gen'ei, Tokyo: Heibonsha, = 1985, p. 47.=20

With respect to girls and women in a state of undress, = Kusamori=20 Shin'ichi has noted Kashō's women know no penchant for = displays of=20 semi-nakedness, if not outright nudity.[63]= =20 However, it is often difficult to read even the almost naked = women who=20 feature in magazine advertisements for soap or=20

bathroom = products as=20 suggestive or sexualised, in spite of the considerable = expanse of=20 skin that they bare. Although Kashō was not at all = averse to=20 producing sexualised images of women, he was generally = pragmatic=20 enough to desist from this tendency in his illustrations = for=20 circulation through the popular press. I earlier noted the = aversion of the authorities of the time to poverty. A = similar=20 distaste was held for ill health. The rounded, = well-nourished and=20 glowing bodies of Kashō's girls know no illness. The = images=20 thereby occlude, for instance, the fact that a = tuberculosis=20 epidemic swept the nation in the first half of the = twentieth=20 century, or that malnutrition-induced beriberi was rife = among=20 impoverished working class women throughout the empire.=20 Notwithstanding the vague suggestion of discontent in = their=20 visages, the healthy, well-formed bodies of Kashō's = demure women=20 and girls signal a nation from which health and hygiene = problems=20 have been eliminated.

Figure=20 13. The rounded, glowing body of a Kashō girl = from a 1927=20 Girls' Illustrated. Source: Bessatsu Taiyō, = Takabatake=20 Kashō: bishōnen, bishōjo gen'ei, Tokyo: = Heibonsha, 1985, p.=20 23.

The = privileged=20 homemaking girl

We have seen that Kashō quarantined his women and girls = from the=20 street. In addition to placing them in floral bowers and on = grassy=20 knolls, the artist was also adept at depicting his girls in = domestic=20 situations. However, in the same way that these images erase = poverty and=20 illness, they also give no indication of the drudgery that = domestic life=20 visited on women. Jordan Sand provides a detailed account of the = discourse of home and womanhood which featured in various print = media=20 from the time of the 1894=9695 Sino-Japanese War.[64]= =20 While Sand focuses mainly on the household=20

management = elements=20 of this discourse, the women and girls in Kashō's = images play a=20 much more decorative domestic role. A 1927 Girls=20 Illustrated image is exemplary in this respect and = also=20 demonstrates many of the elements of Kashō's work = discussed above.=20 A gorgeously clad girl in kimono, her hair in an almost = mannish=20 bob, sits on a Western style chair, knitting. Her hair and = her=20 attire thus admirably amalgamate Japan and the West, while = her=20 demeanour suggests grace, leisure, elegance and comfort. = There is=20 no sense of the 'haggard mother' cited by Vera Mackie in = her=20 discussion of women factory workers in 1920s Japan,[65]= =20 or of even mild exhaustion brought on by her domestic = role. All in=20 all, this illustration is, to use Matthew Arnold's = definition of=20 modern culture, 'sweetness and light,'[66]= =20 strongly suggesting that domestic confinement is a = blissfully=20 pleasurable state.

Figure=20 14. A graceful Kashō homemaker from December 1930 = Girls'=20 Illustrated. Source: Matsumoto Shinako, Takabatake = Kashō:=20 Taishō, Shōwa retro byūtii, Tokyo: = Kawade shōbo, 2004, p. 71.=20

While the modern girl might have strolled audaciously down = the=20 street, Kashō's girls were more likely to be found sitting = at a window=20 gazing out at the street. Kusamori has expounded upon the = artistic=20 elements at work in illustrations of the 'woman at the window' = genre in=20 Kashō's corpus, noting that it was also a trope in the work = of other=20 prominent artists of the time, including Takehisa Yumeji and = Katō Masao=20 (1898=961987).[67]= =20 To Kusamori, the prominent feature of Kashō's 'woman at the = window'=20 material, and the element that distinguishes it from similar = works of=20 Japan's Edo Period, is the fact that the girls so depicted are = often=20 lost in a reverie 'redolent of melancholy and ennui.'[68]= =20 In fact, in commenting on the apparent dissatisfaction of these = girls,=20 this critic invokes the famous line by prominent feminist, = Hiratsuka=20 Raichō: 'In the beginning, woman was the sun,' a lament for = the loss of=20 the respect and social position the writer believed that women = held in=20 primitive times. The elevated postion held by the sun goddess, = Amaterasu=20 Omikami, was proof of this respect. Noting that Kashō's = career began at=20 about the same time that this statement was circulated in 1911, = Kusamori=20 implies that, at some level, Kashō was aware of and = represented the=20 restrained position of women in his work. However, of = significance for=20 this discussion is the fact that he does so in a manner that, = while it=20 acknowledges the confinement of women, presents this in an = opulent and=20 highly decorative manner which ultimately suggests that such a = state is=20 desirable. The aestheticisation of the melancholy of these women = is=20 related to the gorgeousness of their attire and, when at the = window, by=20 the opulence of the curtain fabrics and other accessories by = which they=20 are framed.

The period between 1925 and 1937 was a time of monumental = social=20 upheaval in Japan. Recognising the imperative for the = introduction of=20 Western commodities, Japanese officialdom also understood the = danger=20 inherent in too enthusiastically embracing these items and the = values=20 they represented. To suppress these ideals, however, was a = practical=20 impossibility, given that both Western standards and products = had become=20 entrenched in everyday life through the expansion of the = cultural=20 lifestyle movement. Furthermore, the production of goods to fuel = this=20 movement benefited Japan's nationalistic objectives to achieve=20 international economic and industrial status. In the context of = both=20 concern and enthusiasm for the modern, but a desire to insulate = and=20 protect local traditions, Takabatake Kashō's images of the = demurely=20 fashionable young Japanese woman, adequately Westernised without = being=20 contaminated, became the ideal performance template for the = women and=20 girls of Japan. It was a sign of the artist's aesthetic genius, = in=20 addition to his highly developed business and media acumen,[69]= =20 that, sensitive to the discursive demands of an increasingly=20 totalitarian state and also to the modern sensibilities of his = readers,=20 Kashō was able to produce

Figures=20 15, 16 and 17 (from left to right): One of the few = Kashō women=20 to appear on the street in December 1926 Girls'=20 Illustrated; Japan and the West in harmony in May 1927 = Women's World; Sipping soda through a straw in May = 1926=20 Women's World. Source: Matsumoto Shinako, = Takabatake=20 Kashō: Taishō, Shōwa retro byūtii, = Tokyo: Kawade shōbo, 2004,=20 pp. 68, 12, and 13. =

images which=20 satisfied both. Whether it was a youthful matron attired in = gorgeous=20 kimono, incongruously draped with fox fur stole, a cloched, = high-heeled=20 young woman chatting with her traditionally dressed sister, or a = kimonoed adolescent girl in a department store delicately = sipping soda=20 through a straw, Takabatake Kashō's images blend ostensibly = contradictory elements, creating a feminine model according to = which=20 viewing women and girls could perform the might of the nation = state,=20 Imperial Japan.

Endnotes

[*]=20 Source: Matsumoto Shinako, Takabatake Kashō: = Taishō, Shōwa retro=20 byūtii, Tokyo: Kawade shōbo, 2004, p. 9. The = author acknowledges the=20 generosity of the Yayoi Museum, Tokyo, holder of the copyright = for all=20 Takabatake Kashō=92s illustrations from whatever source, = for granting=20 permission for the author to use the seventeen images which = appear=20 throughout this article.

[1] = I=20 would like to sincerely thank both anonymous reviewers of this = article=20 for their very careful, detailed and extremely helpful feedback. =

[2]=20 Christine M.E. Guth, 'Japan 1868=961945: art, architecture and = national=20 identity,' in Art Journal, vol. 55, no. 3 (Autumn, = 1996):16=9620.=20

[3]=20 Inoue Mariko, 'Kiyokata Asasuzu: the emergence of the = jogakusei=20 image,' in Monumenta Nipponica, vol. 51, no. 4 (Winter=20 1996):639=9661, p. 641.

[4]=20 Biographical information for Takabatake Kashō has been = taken variously=20 from Bessatsu Taiyō, Takabatake Kashō: = bishōnen, bishōjo gen'ei,=20 Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1985, and Matsumoto, Shinako, Takabatake = Kashō:=20 Taishō, Shōwa retro byūtii, Tokyo: Kawade = shōbo, 2004.

[5] = As=20 he became older, Kashō became more interested in = nihonga, modern=20 art conducted according to traditional Japanese art conventions = and=20 generally with traditional, rather than modern, subjects. The = screen can=20 be seen as an example of this shift.

[6]=20 For more about the Ya= yoi=20 Museum and the associated Takehisa Yumeji Museum, see=20 http://www.yayoi-yumeji-museum.jp/about/yayoi/collection.html. = This site=20 features examples of Takabatake's illustrations.

[7]=20 For a discussion of Taisho 'demokurashii,' democracy, see Sharon = Minichiello's review of Mitani Tai'ichirō's Taishō = demokurashii=20 ron (Theory of Taisho democracy), Tokyo: Chūō = Kōron, 1974, in=20 Monumenta Nipponica, vol. 30, no. 2 (Summer, = 1975):217=9618. For a=20 thumbnail sketch of the difficulties associated with this = concept, see=20 Richard Mitchell's review of Japan in Crisis: Essays on = Taisho=20 Democracy, ed. Bernard S. Silberman and H.D. Harootunian, = Princeton,=20 New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974, in Monumenta=20 Nipponica, vol. 30, no. 1, 1975:119=9620.

[8]=20 Richard Mitchell, Censorship in Imperial Japan, = Princeton, New=20 Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1983, p. 173.

[9]=20 For a discussion of this law, see Mitchell, Censorship in = Imperial=20 Japan, pp. 196=9699.

[10]= =20 Providing a definition for this very slippery concept, which = translates=20 literally as 'national body,' is difficult. Mitchell notes that=20 following the tabling of the Peace Preservation Law in 1925, = which=20 referred specifically to kokutai, a complaint was made = that even=20 scholars could not define the concept. Home Minister, Wakatsuki = Reijirō,=20 replied that it simply meant nation combined with the Emperor. = Mitchell,=20 Censorship in Imperial Japan, p. 198.

[11]= =20 For a discussion of tenkō, see Patricia G. = Steinhoff, Tenkō:=20 Ideology and Societal Integration in Pre-war Japan, Garland, = New=20 York and London: Harvard Studies in Sociology, 1991.

[12]= =20 Mark=20 McLelland, 'A short history of =93hentai"' in = Intersections: Gender=20 History and Culture in the Asian Context, 12 (January 2006) = URL:=20 http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue12/mclelland.html, site = accessed 26=20 August 2007.

[13]= =20 Sabine Fr=FChst=FCck, Colonizing Sex: Sexology and Social = control in=20 Modern Japan, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of = California=20 Press, 2003.

[14]= =20 For a discussion of ero-guro-nansensu, see Miriam = Silverberg,=20 Erotic Grotesque Nonsense: The Mass Culture of Japanese = Modern=20 Times, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California = Press,=20 2007.

[15]= =20 Honda Masuko, Ibunka toshite no kodomo, Kinokuniya no = shoten,=20 1982, p. 139.

[16]= =20 Mikiso Hane canvasses the issue of poverty in modern Japan. The = chapter=20 on textile workers in this writer's book is particularly = insightful,=20 concluding with reference to the 1930 Kanebō strike and a = testimonial=20 from a Kanebō worker regarding the gruelling nature of the = work and the=20 low pay. Hane sums up the chapter with a discussion of the harsh = conditions and exploitation that was a feature of textile work = and a=20 comment on the fact that modernisation really only increased = 'the wealth=20 and comfort of a small elite at the top.' See Mikiso Hane, = Peasants,=20 Rebels and Outcastes: The Underside of Modern Japan, New = York:=20 Pantheon Books, 1982, pp. 203=96204.

[17]= =20 See, for example, Mitchell, Censorship in Imperial Japan, = and=20 Peter B. High, The Imperial Screen: Japanese Film Culture in = the=20 Fifteen Years' War, 1931=961945, Madison: University of = Wisconsin=20 Press, 2003.

[18]= =20 This is one of several sections in the article which owes its = current=20 form to reviewer input.

[19]= =20 While the readership of these magazines was widespread, Barbara = Sato=20 notes the unreliability of circulation figures released by = publishing=20 companies and, therefore, the difficulty of calculating exact = rates of=20 magazine circulation. See Barbara Sato, 'Commodifying and = engendering=20 morality: self-cultivation and the construction of the =93ideal = woman" in=20 1920s mass women's magazines' in Gendering Modern Japanese=20 History, ed. Barbara Moloney and Kathleen Uno, Cambridge, = Mass., and=20 London: Harvard University Press, 2005: 99=96132, p. 101. =

[20]= =20 Miriam Silverberg, 'Constructing a new cultural history of = pre-war=20 Japan,' in Boundary 2, vol. 18, no. 3, 'Japan in the = World'=20 (Autumn, 1991a):61=9689, p. 62.

[21]= =20 Guth, 'Japan 1868=961945,' p. 20.

[22]= =20 For a discussion of the good wife wise mother ideology, see Vera = Mackie,=20 Creating Socialist Women in Japan: Gender, Labour, and = Activism,=20 1900=961937, New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University = Press, 1997,=20 pp. 37=9641, and Koyama Shizuko, Ryōsai kenbo to iu = kihan, Tokyo:=20 Keisō shobō, 1991. Uno notes that, in spite of the = fact that they were=20 expected to comply with this domestic paradigm, increasing = numbers of=20 women in the Taisho Era ventured outside the home into paid = work. See=20 Kathleen Uno, Passages to Modernity: Motherhood, Childhood, = and=20 Social Reform in Early Twentieth Century Japan, Honolulu: = University=20 of Hawai'i Press, 1999, p. 50.

[23]= =20 For a discussion of bunka seikatsu, see the chapter = entitled=20 'Fantasy of modern life,' in Harry Harootunian, Overcome by=20 Modernity: History, Culture and Community in Interwar Japan, = Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000. This = concept=20 gathered momentum in the early and mid-1920s and dramatically = changed=20 the way in which urban Japan lived its daily life. Obliquely=20 articulating with the official seikatsu kaizen undō, = daily life=20 improvement campaigns, conducted by the authorities during the = 1920s and=20 1930s, bunka seikatsu was fundamentally a call for a more = material lifestyle often advocated by Marxist inspired left-wing = materialist commentators. For a discussion of the daily life = improvement=20 campaigns, see Sheldon Garon, 'Rethinking modernization and = modernity in=20 Japanese history: a focus on state-society relations,' in The = Journal=20 of Japanese Studies, vol. 53, no. 2, (May, 1994):346=9666. =

[24]= =20 Sheldon, 'Rethinking modernization and modernity,' p. 356. =

[25]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 97.

[26]= =20 Henry D. Smith, 'Tokyo as idea: an exploration of Japanese urban = thought=20 until 1945,' in Journal of Japanese Studies, vol. 4, no. = 1,=20 (Winter 1978):45=9680, p. 69

[27]= =20 My great thanks to an anonymous reviewer for providing this = excellent=20 phrase.

[28]= =20 For a discussion of the modern girl see Miriam Silverberg 'The = modern=20 girl as militant,' in Recreating Japanese Women, = 1600=961945, ed.=20 Gail Lee Bernstein, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of = California=20 Press, 1991, pp 239=96266; and Elise K.=20 Tipton, 'Pink collar work: the caf=E9 waitress in early = modern Japan'=20 in Intersections: Gender History and Culture in the Asian=20 Context, 7, March 2002, URL:=20 http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue7/tipton.html, site = accessed 7 July=20 2007.

[29]= =20 See Silverberg, 'The modern girl as militant.'

[30]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 16.

[31]= =20 Tanizaki Jun'ichirō, Naomi, trans. Anthony H. = Chamberlain, New=20 York: Knopf, 1985. It might be noted that Tanizaki's less cited = Aguri,=20 the young woman featured in the author's 1922 story 'Aoi hana' = (literal=20 translation Green Flower; trans. 1963 Aguri) is even more adept = at=20 destroying the narrator protagonist of that tale through her = excessive=20 consumption. See 'Aguri' in Seven Japanese Tales, trans. = Howard=20 Hibbert, New York: Vintage International, 1996.

[32]= =20 Tipton, 'Pink collar work,' paragraph 25.

[33]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 97.

[34]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 97.

[35]= =20 Land of the Girl is the translation used in this article = for the=20 name of the magazine Shōjo no kuni, to distinguish = it from=20 Shōjo sekai, Girls' World.

[36]= =20 Silverberg, 'Constructing a new cultural history of pre-war = Japan,' p.=20 65.

[37]= =20 Silverberg, 'Constructing a new cultural history of pre-war = Japan,' p.=20 65. This notion is confirmed by Joshua Mostow's comment = regarding=20 'cultural assimilation' as an essential element of modernisation = in=20 Japan. Joshua S. Mostow, 'Introduction' in Gender and Power = in the=20 Visual Field in Japan, ed. Joshua S. Mostow, Norman Bryson = and=20 Maribeth Graybill, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press 2003, = p. 11.=20

[38]= =20 This effect is not dissimilar to the 'Japanese domestication of = the=20 West' referred to by Joseph J. Tobin in his introductory chapter = of=20 Remade in Japan. See Joseph J. Tobin, 'Introduction,' in = Tobin=20 (ed.), Remade in Japan: Everyday Life and Consumer Taste in a = Changing Society, New Haven and London: Yale University = Press, 1992,=20 pp. 1=9641, p. 11.

[39]= =20 Miriam Silverberg, 'Constructing the Japanese ethnography of = modernity,'=20 in The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 51, no. 1, (Feb,=20 1992):30=9654, pp. 37=9639.

[40]= =20 Matsumoto Shinako, Takabatake Kashō: Taishō, = Shōwa retro byūtii,=20 Tokyo: Kawade shōbo, 2004, p. 60.

[41]= =20 Although Silverberg analyses the first survey in detail, she = does not=20 refer to the later survey. However, Matsumoto makes a point of = comparing=20 the two surveys.

[42]= =20 See, for example, Janet E. Hunter, 'Gendering the labour market: = evidence from the textile industry of interwar Japan,' in = Gendering=20 Modern Japanese History, ed. Barbara Moloney and Kathleen = Uno,=20 Cambridge, Mass., and London: Council on East Asian Studies, = Harvard=20 University Press, 2005, pp. 359=9692. Hunter's principal = interest is women=20 workers in the textile industry.

[43]= =20 Serguey=20 Braguinsky, Atsushi Ohyama and David C. Rose, 'Cooperative=20 technology adoption under global competition: the case of the = Japanese=20 cotton spinning industry,' presented at University of Chicago = Economics=20 and Legal Organisation workshop, 27 July, 2002, URL:=20 = http://pluto.fss.buffalo.edu/classes/eco/sb56/Braguinsky-Rose.pdf, site=20 accessed 27 July 2007, p. 18. Here Braguinsky et al. = examine the=20 development of the cotton industry in Japan from the Meiji Era. = They=20 note that by 1936, with a total of 7 percent of the world's = total=20 spinning equipment and with mills conducted both locally and off = shore,=20 Japan was behind only Great Britain and the United States in = terms of=20 production output.

[44]= =20 Tessa Morris Suzuki, Showa: An Inside History of Hirohito's=20 Japan, North Ryde, NSW: Metheun Australia, 1984, p. 90. =

[45]= =20 Matsumoto, Takabatake Kashō: Taishō, Shōwa = retro byūtii, p. 62.=20

[46]= =20 The treatment meted out to Japan at the Treaty of Versailles is = a case=20 in point. Here, Japan's racial equality clause was rejected at = the=20 behest of the then Australian Prime Minister, Billy Hughes, who = felt=20 that support for such a clause would make it difficult for him = to win a=20 looming election. See Naoko Shimizu, Japan, Race and = Equality,=20 London and New York: Routledge, 1998, pp. 125=9630.

[47]= =20 For information on the illustrations of this artist see Yayoi = Bijutsukan=20 Hen, Shōjo no tomoten: shōwa shoki no shōjo = zasshi, Tokyo: Yayoi=20 bijutsukan, 1999.

[48]= =20 Honda, Ibunka toshite no kodomo, p. 141.

[49]= =20 Kita Ikki, 'Plan for the reorganization of Japan,' in Sources = of=20 Japanese Tradition Volume 2, compiled by Ryusaku Tsunoda, = Wm.=20 Theodore de Bary, and Donald Keene, New York and London: = University of=20 Columbia Press, 1958: 268=9677.

[50]= =20 Kita Ikki, 'Plan for the reorganization of Japan,' p. 275. =

[51]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 10.

[52]= =20 Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, p. 14.

[53]= =20 Barbara Sato, The New Japanese Woman: Modernity, Media and = Women in=20 Interwar Japan, Durham and London: Duke University Press, = 2003, p.=20 53.

[54]= =20 Sato, The New Japanese Woman, p. 53.

[55]= =20 This was the position advocated by influential pre-war social=20 philosopher, Watsuji Tetsurō. For a brief discussion on = Watsuji's ideas,=20 see Julia Adeney Thomas, Reconfiguring Modernity: Concepts of = Nature=20 in Japanese Political Ideology, Berkeley and Los Angeles: = University=20 of California Press, 2001, pp. 201=96202.

[56]= =20 Kawabata Yasunari, Scarlet Gang of Asakusa, trans. Alisa=20 Freedman, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California = Press,=20 2005.

[57]= =20 Hiromi Tsuchiya Dollase discusses these tales and their impact = in 'Early=20 twentieth century Japanese girls' magazine stories: examining=20 shōjo voice in Hana monogatari (Flower = Tales),' in=20 Journal of Popular Culture, vol 36, no. 4 (May = 2003):724=9655.=20

[58]= =20 For a discussion of Yanagita's ideas see Shun'ichi Takayanagi's=20 discussion entitled 'Yanagita Kunio' in Monumenta = Nipponica, vol.=20 9, no. 3 (Autumn 1974):329=9635.

[59]= =20 In the context of health, one of the advertisement illustrations = which=20 brought Kashō to prominence was for Chūtōjō, = a preparation for 'women's=20 complaints.'

[60]= =20 See Robin Orlansky, 'Moving forward: sports and gender in modern = Japan,'=20 in Graduate Journal of Asia Pacific Studies, vol. 5. no. = 1,=20 (2007):71=9683, for a discussion of this development.

[61]= =20 Hitomi Kinue, Josei supōtsu wo kataru, Tokyo: Jinbun = shōbo, 1931,=20 p. 1. (Reprinted as No 6 of the Josei no mita kindai = series,=20 Tokyo: Yumani shōbo, 2006.)

[62]= =20 Hitomi, Josei supōtsu wo kataru, pp. 1=966. =

[63]= =20 Kusamori, Shin'ichi, 'Megami no kōrin: Kashō no egaita = joseizō,' in=20 Bessatsu Taiyō. Takabatake Kashō: bishōnen, = bishōjo gen'ei,=20 Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1985: 113=9617, pp. 113 and 115.

[64]= =20 Jordan Sand, 'At home in the Meiji Period,' in Mirror of = Modernity:=20 Invented Traditions of Modern Japan, ed. Stephen Vlastos, = Berkeley,=20 Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1997, pp = 191=96207.

[65]= =20 Mackie, Creating Socialist Women, p. 121.

[66]= =20 Although this phrase originated with Jonathon Swift, it was = popularised=20 by the high modernist, Arnold, in his Culture and = Anarchy, first=20 published in 1882.

[67]= =20 Kusamori, 'Megami no kōrin,' pp. 115.

[68]= =20 Kusamori, 'Megami no kōrin,' pp. 115.

[69]= =20 I am once again indebted to one of the article's anonymous = reviewers for=20 pointing out that at the height of his popularity Kashō was = very media=20 and business savvy in addition to being a gifted artist.=20

=20

Intersections acknowledges the assistance = of the=20 Gender Relations Centre, Research School of Pacific and = Asian=20 Studies, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian = National=20 University in the hosting of this site.
URL: http://inter= sections.anu.edu.au/issue16/hartley.htm=20
=A9 Copyright=20
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Last=20 modified: 14 March 2008 1530

This page has been = optimised=20 for 1024x768
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